LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


GIFT  OF 


r. 


Class 


FREDERICK  THE  GREAT 


AND  THE 


UNITED  STATES. 


J.  G.   ROSENGARTEN, 


FREDERICK  THE   GREAT 

AND     THE 

UNITED  STATES 


A  PAPER  READ  BEFORE 
THE  PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN  SOCIETY 

AT   THE 

FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  MEETING 

HELD    AT 

GERMANTOWN,  OCTOBER  25,  1904 

BY 

J.   G.   ROSENGARTEN 


LANCASTER,    PA. 
1906 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


FREDERICK   THE    GREAT   AND    THE    UNITED   STATES. 


STATUE    PRESENTED    BY    THE    GERMAN    KAISER    WILLIAM 

UNVEILED    AT    WASHINGTON,    D.   C.,   NOVEMBER    19,    1904. 


FREDERICK  THE   GREAT 


AND  THE 


UNITED  STATES 


A  PAPER  READ  BEFORE 
THE  PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN  SOCIETY 

AT  THE 

FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  MEETING 

HELD  AT 

GERMANTOWN,  OCTOBER  25,  1904 

BY 

J.  G.  ROSENGARTEN 


OF    T'r'.E 

UNIVERSITY 


LANCASTER,   PA. 
1906 


£3 


FREDERICK  THE  GREAT  AND  THE  UNITED 

STATES.* 


N  view  of  the  presen- 
tation  of  a  statue  of 
Frederick  the  Great  to 
the  United  States  by  the 
Emperor  of  Germany  it 
may  be  of  interest  to  re 
fer  to  the  contemporary 
sources  of  information  as 
to  the  relation  of  Fred 
erick  the  Great  to  the 
American  Revolution. 
There  is  much  interest  in  seeing  how  that  great  soldier 
followed  the  course  of  events  in  America  and  with  what 
kind  of  welcome  he  received  the  American  agents  sent  to 
Europe  to  enlist  recognition,  aid  and  support  in  the  strug 
gle  for  independence. 

*  A  paper  read  before  the  Pennsylvania  German  Society  at  Gerraantown, 
October  25,  1904,  by  J.  G.  Rosengarten. 

(3) 


158582 


4  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

The  best  authority  on  this  subject  is  Frederick  Kapp, 
whose  two  books  dealing  with  the  subject  have  not  been 
translated.  One  is  "  Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United 
States,"  published  in  Leipsic  in  1871,  and  the  other  "  The 
Traffic  in  Soldiers,"  published  in  Berlin  in  1874.  To 
these  may  be  added  "  The  Hessians  and  the  other  Auxil 
iaries  of  Great  Britain  in  the  Revolutionary  War,"  by 
Edward  F^  Lowell  of  Boston,  published  by  Harpers  in 
1884,  and  the  "Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Revo 
lution,"  edited  by  Sparks.  Little  on  the  subject  is  to  be 
found  in  Carliile's  "  Life  of  Frederick  the  Great,"  or  in 
the  latest  German  biography,  that  by  Kose1^,  or  in  any  of 
the  other  biographies  of  Frederick. 

Frederick  the  Great  was  very  unfriendly  to  the  English 
government  of  Lord  Bute  for  its  failure  to  carry  out  the 
support  promised  and  given  him  by  the  elder  Pitt  when 
he  was  at  its  head.  When  the  war  of  American  Indepen 
dence  broke  out,  Frederick  was  charged  by  the  English 
ministry  with  preventing  England  from  hiring  a  Russian 
corps  to  fight  for  it  in  America  and  with  allowing  Prussian 
officers  to  serve  with  the  Americans.  Both  charges  were 
groundless,  but  served  to  show  England's  fear  of  Fred 
erick's  revenge  for  old  injuries.  Neither  Steuben  nor 
DeKalb  was  in  his  service  when  they  volunteered  in  the 
American  Revolution,  and  the  other  German  officers  who 
joined  them  did  so  of  their  own  good  will,  and  not  with 
his  sanction.  The  many  "  King  of  Prussia  "  tavern  signs 
attest  that  Frederick  was  popular  in  America.  As  the 
leader  of  Protestant  resistance  to  Austrian  aggression, 
alike  in  Puritan  New  England,  among  the  Germans  of 
Pennsylvania  and  in  New  York,  and  with  the  leaders  of 
the  American  Revolution,  he  was  looked  on  as  the  ablest 
sovereign  and  greatest  soldier  in  Europe,  and  his  heroic 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.         5 

struggle  was  pointed  out  as  an  example  for  America  in 
its  war  for  independence.  Every  expression  of  his  hostility 
to  England  and  his  contempt  for  the  German  princes  who 
sold  their  soldiers  to  England  was  published  here. 

Washington,  Franklin,  Greene,  all  spoke  of  him  with 
admiration.  Steuben  was  welcomed  as  one  of  his  soldiers. 
Jefferson  spoke  of  his  death  as  a  European  disaster  and 
an  event  that  affected  the  whole  world. 

Frederick  was  guided  in  all  he  said  and  did  by  the  inter 
ests  of  Prussia.  He  hoped  to  secure  advantages  by  opening 
a  trade  between  his  ports  and  those  of  America,  by  exchang 
ing  his  linen  and  iron  and  other  wares  for  tobacco  and 
other  American  products.  His  representative  in  Paris 
met  Silas  Deane  and  reported  to  the  King  his  request  to 
establish  diplomatic  and  commercial  relations,  recom 
mending  a  commercial  treaty.  The  King  was  ready  to 
supply  arms  and  other  munitions  of  war  in  exchange  for 
and  when  the  Americans  could  land  tobacco  in  his  ports 
at  a  reasonable  rate. 

A  succession  of  American  diplomatic  agents  went  to 
Berlin,  but  the  King  would  not  recognize  them  officially, 
although  his  ministers  said  that  when  France  recognized 
American  independence,  he  would  do  so  too.  Frederick 
wrote  to  his  brother  to  watch  Washington  and  learn  how 
he  carried  on  war  against  Howe  and  Burgoyne.  He 
granted  the  request  of  the  American  agent  to  buy  arms  in 
Prussia.  He  rendered,  perhaps  unwittingly,  a  still  more 
important  service  by  refusing  permission  to  take  German 
soldiers,  on  their  way  to  join  the  English  army  in  America, 
through  his  dominions,  and  thus  delayed  reinforcements, 
when  Howe  was  waiting  patiently  for  them,  so  that  the 
Americans  really  were  helped  by  him.  His  refusal  kept 
these  German  troops  idle  in  Germany  all  through  the 


6  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

winter  of  1777-8,  while  Washington  and  his  little  army 
were  suffering  at  Valley  Forge.  Frederick's  course  was 
almost  as  useful  to  Washington  as  an  alliance  or  recogni 
tion,  for  it  gave  him  time  and  helped  to  change  the  for 
tunes  of  war,  while,  as  the  King  said,  without  a  fleet  or 
forts  to  protect  his  ports,  recognition  could  do  no  good. 
He  saw  and  said  that  the  business  of  recruiting  German 
soldiers  to  serve  against  America  was  depopulating  Ger 
many  of  the  men  needed  for  his  army.  He  watched  the 
successes  of  the  American  army  and  felt  a  personal  pride 
in  that  of  the  German  soldiers  serving  in  it,  although 
Riedesel  had  married  the  daughter  of  the  Prussian  Min 
ister  of  War,  Massow,  and  his  imprisonment  after  Bur- 
goyne's  surrender  at  Saratoga,  was  a  source  of  great  regret 
to  his  friends  in  Berlin  and  the  Prussian  army.  The  King 
wrote  in  October,  1777,  "  I  never  think  of  the  present  war 
in  America  without  being  unpleasantly  affected  by  the 
greed  of  some  German  princes,  who  sacrifice  their  troops 
in  a  war  that  don't  concern  them  at  all.  My  astonishment 
increases  when  I  see  this  violation  of  our  Old  German  rule, 
never  to  spill  German  blood  in  behalf  of  foreign  interests." 
In  1778  he  wrote  to  his  minister  in  London:  "  I  will 
never  lend  myself  to  an  alliance  with  England.  I  am  not 
like  so  many  German  princes  to  be  gained  by  money." 
His  minister  wrote :  "  The  German  Princes  who  have  hired 
their  troops,  besides  having  rendered  themselves  extremely 
odious,  have  suffered  greatly  by  the  emigration  of  their 
subjects,  for  fear  of  being  forced  into  this  service,  which 
is  excessively  unpopular  through  all  Germany";  and  later, 
"  His  Majesty  has  refused  passage  to  the  auxiliary  troops 
of  Germany  destined  for  America.  He  interests  himself 
very  much  in  the  events  of  your  war  and  wishes  that  your 
efforts  may  be  crowned  with  success."  Later  he  made  a 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.         7 

commercial  treaty  with  the  United  States  on  terms  that 
were  very  liberal,  and  thus  set  an  example  that  other 
European  powers  soon  followed. 

The  legend  that  he  presented  a  sword  to  Washington 
inscribed  "  From  the  oldest  to  the  greatest  General,"  is 
based  on  the  gift  of  a  sword  with  a  very  fulsome  dedica 
tion  engraved  on  it  by  a  cutler  in  Solingen.  It  had  a 
curious  history,  for  the  son  of  the  maker  brought  it  to 
Philadelphia,  when  Washington  was  living  here  as  Pres 
ident,  pawned  it  in  a  tavern,  where  it  was  redeemed 
by  some  unknown  person,  who  took  it  to  Alexandria, 
whence  it  was  sent  to  Mount  Vernon.  Washington  never 
knew  who  this  was.  His  letter  on  the  subject  is  printed, 
with  a  note  explaining  the  real  facts  of  the  gift,  in  the 
eleventh  volume  of  Sparks'  "Washington,"  p.  169,  etc. 
Now,  however,  the  successor  of  the  great  Frederick  has 
given  the  United  States  his  statue  as  a  memorial  of  German 
friendship.  It  may  well  serve  to  show  how  large  a  meas 
ure  of  influence  Germans  and  Germany  have  had  in  the 
making  of  the  United  States,  and  the  friendship  of  the 
Emperor  of  Germany  and  the  German  people  for  the  Re 
public  of  the  United  States,  and  it  will  recall  the  share 
the  great  Frederick  had  in  the  success  of  the  American 
Colonies  in  their  struggle  for  independence  and  in  the 
welcome  extended  to  the  new  republic  by  the  old  King  of 
Prussia. 

In  Sparks,  Vol.  n,  p.  169,  etc.:  Washington  writes  to 
John  Quincy  Adams,  Philadelphia,  12  September,  1796: 
"  Sometime  ago,  perhaps  two  or  three  months,  I  read  in 
some  gazette,  but  was  so  little  impressed  with  it  at  the 
time  (conceiving  it  to  be  one  of  those  things  which  get 
into  newspapers  nobody  knows  how  or  why)  that  I  cannot 
now  recollect  whether  this  gazette  was  of  American  or 


8  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

foreign  production,  announcing  that  a  celebrated  artist 
had  presented,  or  was  about  to  present,  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States  a  sword  of  masterly  workmanship,  as 
an  evidence  of  his  veneration,  etc.  I  thought  no  more  of  the 
matter  afterwards  until  a  gentleman  with  whom  I  have  no 
acquaintance,  coming  from  and  going  to  I  know  not  where, 
at  a  tavern  I  never  could  get  information  of,  came  across 
this  sword  (for  it  is  presumed  to  be  the  same)  pawned 
for  thirty  dollars,  which  he  paid,  left  it  in  Alexandria,  nine 
miles  from  my  house  in  Virginia,  with  a  person  who  re 
funded  him  the  money  and  sent  the  sword  to  me.  This  is 
all  I  have  been  able  to  learn  of  this  curious  affair.  The 
blade  is  highly  wrought  and  decorated  with  many  military 
emblems.  It  has  my  name  engraved  thereon  and  the  fol 
lowing  inscription,  translated  from  the  Dutch :  '  Con- 
demner  of  despotism,  Preserver  of  liberty,  glorious  man, 
take  from  my  son's  hands,  this  sword,  I  beg  you.  A 
Solingen.' 

"  The  hilt  is  either  gold  or  richly  plated  with  that  metal, 
and  the  whole  carries  with  it  the  form  of  a  horseman's 
sword  or  long  sabre.  The  matter,  as  far  as  it  appears  at 
present,  is  a  perfect  enigma.  How  it  should  have  come 
into  this  country  without  a  letter,  or  an  accompanying  mes 
sage,  how  afterward  it  should  have  got  into  such  loose 
hands,  and  whither  the  person  having  it  in  possession  was 
steering  his  course,  remain  as  yet  to  be  explained.  Some 
of  these  points  can  only  be  explained  by  the  maker,  and 
the  maker  is  no  otherwise  to  be  discovered  than  by  the 
inscription  and  name,  'A.  Solingen,'  who,  from  the  im 
pression  which  dwells  on  my  mind,  is  of  Amsterdam.  If 
sir,  with  this  clew,  you  can  develop  the  history  of  this 
sword,  the  value  of  it,  the  character  of  the  maker,  and 
his  probable  object  in  sending  it,  you  would  oblige  me  and 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.         9 

by  relating  these  facts  to  him,  might  obviate  doubts  which 
otherwise  might  be  entertained  of  its  late  reception." 

Sparks,  in  a  note  to  p.  171,  gives  the  explanation  that 
Alte  of  Solingen  near  Dusseldorf  in  1795  sent  by  his  son 
this  sword,  directing  him  to  present  it  to  President  Wash 
ington.  The  son  sold  it  at  a  tavern  in  Philadelphia. 
More  than  a  year  afterwards  the  father  wrote  a  letter  to 
Washington  on  the  subject. 

In  view  of  the  presentation  of  a  statue  of  Frederick 
the  Great  to  the  United  States  by  the  Emperor  of  Ger 
many,  it  may  be  of  interest  to  refer  to  the  contempor 
ary  sources  of  information  as  to  the  relations  of  Fred 
erick  the  Great  to  the  American  Revolution.  For  that 
purpose,  the  following  notes  may  enable  the  reader  to  see 
just  how  far  that  great  soldier  followed  the  course  of 
events  in  America,  and  with  what  kindly  interest  he  re 
ceived  the  American  agents  sent  to  Europe  to  enlist  his 
recognition,  aid  and  support. 


FREDERICK  THE  GREAT  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

(By  FREDERICK  KAPP,  LEIPZIG,  1871.) 


HFTER  a  long  series  of 
offences  at  the  hands 
of  the  English  government, 
Frederick  the  Great  was 
charged  by  it  with  prevent 
ing  England  from  hiring  a 
Russian  corps  to  fight  the 
Americans,  and  with  allow 
ing  Prussian  officers  to  serve 
with  America  —  both 
groundless  complaints,  serv 
ing  to  show  the  English  fear 
of  Frederick's  revenge.  He 
took  a  friendly  interest  in  the  American  struggle,  but  sent 
none  of  his  officers  to  America,  for  he  was  never  asked  to 
do  so.  Characteristic  of  the  general  opinion,  is  Franklin's 
clever  skit,  the  edict  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  dated  Pots 
dam,  August  25,  1773,  which  made  its  mark  alike  in 
England  and  America.  Frederick  was  popular  in  Amer 
ica  as  the  leader  of  Protestant  resistance  to  Catholic  ag 
gression,  alike  in  Puritan  New  England,  among  the  Ger- 

(10) 


FREDERICK    THE    GREAT  AND    THE    UNITED   STATES. 


FREDERICK    THE   GREAT,    BY    KAULBACH, 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        n 

mans  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  and  with  the  leaders 
of  the  American  Revolution.  He  was  looked  on  as  the 
ablest  sovereign  in  Europe,  and  his  heroic  struggles  in  the 
Seven  Years'  War  was  pointed  out  as  an  example  for 
America  in  its  struggle  for  independence.  Every  expres 
sion  of  his  against  England  and  the  German  Princes  who 
sold  their  soldiers  to  serve  under  the  English  flag  in 
America  was  published  in  exaggerated  terms.  Washing 
ton,  Franklin,  Greene,  all  spoke  of  him  with  admiration. 
Steuben  found  a  ready  welcome  as  one  of  the  King's  pupils. 
Jefferson  spoke  of  his  death  as  a  European  disaster  and 
an  event  that  affected  the  whole  world. 

The  gift  of  a  handsome  sword  by  a  Prussian  artisan, 
Theophilus  Alte  of  Solingen,  was  the  foundation  of  the 
legend  often  repeated,  that  it  was  Frederick  the  Great's 
recognition  of  the  American  leader.  Bancroft  pays  due 
tribute  to  his  character,  example  and  influence  in  America. 
Frederick  never  thought  of  anything  but  the  interest  of 
Prussia  in  the  struggle  between  England  and  its  American 
colonies.  He  hoped  to  secure  great  advantages  for  his 

maritime  province  of  East  Pi'iis&ia. .  Acquired  in  1744, 
,  i  •  f>;*fUW  •*  tic  Xetti  rf4? 

he  sought  to  increase  the  trade  of  its  ports,  by  exporting 

linen  and  importing  tobacco.  In  1751  Emden  was  made 
a  free  port,  and  first  an  Asiatic,  and  next  in  1753,  a  Bengal 
trading  company  established.  The  merchants  sent  ships 
to  China,  East  Indies  and  America,  and  the  neutral  Prus 
sian  flag  protected  ships  sailing  from  Holland  and  Bremen. 
After  the  Seven  Years'  War,  Frederick  was  ready  to 
encourage  fisheries  and  to  attract  business  from  Amsterdam 
to  Emden.  Silas  Deane,  the  first  agent  sent  by  Congress 
to  establish  diplomatic  and  commercial  relations,  asked 
the  Prussian  business  agent  in  Paris  if  arms  and  muni 
tions  of  war  could  be  got  in  Prussia  for  the  American  col- 


12  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

onies.  Montesuy  was  active,  but  a  little  too  energetic, 
and  in  July,  1777,  he  reported  the  inquiry  and  recom 
mended  a  commercial  treaty  between  Prussia  and  the 
American  colonies.  The  King  was  ready  to  arrange  for 
the  importation  of  American  tobacco  at  a  better  rate  than 
that  then  paid  for  it,  already  advancing  in  price  in  English 
and  French  ports.  In  answer  to  questions  as  to  direct 
importation,  Deane  said  that  tobacco  could  be  got  in  ex 
change  for  linen,  woollens,  copper,  lead  and  steel.  Deane 
wrote  to  Congress  urging  that  an  agent  be  sent  to  Prussia, 
for  while  France  and  Spain  were  natural  allies,  and  Italy 
needed  American  harvests,  Prussia  required  information 
as  to  its  own  interests  in  trade  with  America  (Diplomatic 
Correspondence,  Vol.  i,  p.  45).  Montesuy  told  Deane 
that  the  King  would  be  glad  to  see  an  American  agent  in 
Berlin  (Dip.  Cor.,  Vol.  9,  p.  346)  and  Deane  asked  if 
Carmichael  would  be  received,  and  Carmichael  went  in 
the  autumn  of  1776  by  way  of  Amsterdam  to  Berlin.  Car 
michael  showed  ability  in  explaining  the  mutual  advantage 
of  trade  between  Prussia  and  America,  but  the  King  was 
not  ready  for  a  treaty,  nor  even  to  recognize  Carmichael 
in  any  other  than  his  private  and  personal  character.  Ap 
pointed  in  September,  1776,  Franklin,  Deane  and  Arthur 
Lee  addressed  the  Prussian  government  on  the  subject  of 
establishing  trade  relations  with  the  colonies.  The  King 
promptly  pointed  out  the  practical  impossibility  of  com 
merce,  in  the  absence  of  either  Prussian  or  American  ships 
to  carry  it  on,  and  asked  for  further  information  as  to 
the  method  of  exchanging  Prussian  and  American  products. 
The  commissioners  tried  to  enlist  Frederick's  help  in  pre 
venting  the  shipment  of  German  soldiers  to  serve  the 
English  in  America,  and  promised  to  send  a  minister  to 
Berlin  to  discuss  commercial  relations.  The  King  replied 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        13 

through  his  minister  that  an  American  agent  might  come 
to  Berlin,  but  could  have  no  official  recognition,  and  that 
until  America  had  established  its  independence,  he  could 
not  enter  into  any  treaty  with  it.  Lee  went  to  Berlin  and 
at  once  set  to  work  to  point  out  the  advantages  and  possi 
bility  of  direct  commercial  relations  between  Prussia  and 
America.  There  was  an  active  correspondence  between 
Lee  and  the  Prussian  minister,  but  the  King  simply  al 
lowed  it  to  be  carried  on  that  he  might  gain  time  and  infor 
mation.  He  refused  absolutely  to  open  Emden  to  Amer 
ican  privateers,  lest  he  should  be  involved  with  England, 
much  as  he  disliked  the  English  government  and  its 
American  policy.  In  his  correspondence  and  conversation 
he  never  spoke  of  the  Americans  as  rebels  and  in  writing 
to  Voltaire,  he  sneered  at  the  English,  and  in  a  letter  to 
D'Alembert  he  anticipated  American  independence  as 
early  as  October  5,  1777.  He  said  that  England  had 
treated  its  colonies  unfairly,  that  it  had  underestimated 
their  power,  had  hired  troops  in  Germany  and  provided 
no  ships  for  their  transportation,  had  bought  in  London 
provisions  for  its  army  that  was  to  fight  in  Pennsylvania, 
where  everything  was  much  cheaper.  The  separation 
of  Carleton  and  Burgoyne  prevented  the  one  from  sup 
porting  the  other.  With  all  its  troubles  in  America,  it 
had  quarrelled  with  Russia  and  Holland,  and  would  soon 
be  in  open  warfare  with  France.  In  November,  1777,  on 
receipt  of  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne,  which 
came  from  Paris,  in  spite  of  the  effort  of  the  English  gov 
ernment  to  conceal  it,  Frederick  wrote  to  his  brother, 
Prince  Henry,  that  Prussia  must  watch  Washington, 
Howe,  Burgoyne,  Carleton,  and  learn  from  them  the 
great  art  of  war,  laugh  at  their  mistakes,  and  approve 
when  they  act  intelligently.  His  old  hostility  to  England 
was  increased  by  its  war  with  Holland. 


14  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

The  theft  of  Arthur  Lee's  papers  (copied  and  returned 
to  him)  by  the  agents  of  the  English  minister  in  Berlin, 
was  passed  over  by  the  King  with  contemptuous  indiffer 
ence.  Lee,  a  young  American  lawyer  of  thirty-six,  wrote 
a  characteristic  letter  to  the  King  of  sixty-four,  in  the  hope 
of  securing  his  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  col 
onies  at  a  time  (June,  1777)  when  the  King  was  sedu 
lously  avoiding  any  further  difficulty  with  England.  Lee 
wrote  again  and  again,  but  never  got  a  favorable  answer. 
To  his  urgent  appeal  that  no  troops  be  sent  from  Russia, 
Germany  and  Denmark,  to  serve  in  America  under  the 
British  flag,  the  Prussian  minister  replied  that  besides  a 
few  hundred  German  recruits,  no  more  soldiers  would  be 
sent.  William  Lee,  a  brother  of  Arthur,  and  a  man  of 
more  tact,  never  came  to  Berlin,  but  wrote  frequently  on 
all  points  of  interest  there.  The  King  refused  to  take 
any  steps  until  France  recognized  the  independence  of  the 
English  colonies  in  America.  He  granted  Lee's  request 
to  be  allowed  to  buy  arms  in  Prussia,  and  added  his  request 
for  information  as  to  events  in  America,  expressed  a  hope 
that  the  colonies  might  achieve  their  independence,  but 
repeated  his  refusal  to  acknowledge  it  until  France  did  so. 
Lee  bought  eight  hundred  muskets,  but  made  the  purchase 
a  ground  of  complaint  which  met  no  favor  from  the  Prus 
sian  authorities. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Bavarian  Succession  War  (January 
3,  1778,  to  March  13,  1779)  made  the  King  anxious  to 
enlist  the  sympathy  of  Great  Britain,  and  cooled  his  in 
terest  in  the  American  cause.  When  France  did  recog 
nize  American  independence,  Frederick  said  that  he  was 
too  busy  with  home  matters  to  consider  the  request  of 
Lee,  and  as  he  had  no  fleet,  his  recognition  could  not  have 
any  real  benefit  for  America. 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        15 

Lee  continued  to  supply  information  as  to  events  in 
America  but  got  no  encouragement  as  to  recognition.  The 
King  indeed  continued  his  abuse  of  the  English  government 
and  was  inclined  to  hinder  their  efforts  to  transport  German 
troops  through  his  kingdom  until  he  needed  English  in 
fluence  in  the  Bavarian  war  of  succession,  and  to  gain  that 
he  was  ready  at  least  to  cease  sneering,  as  he  had  always 
done,  at  the  petty  German  princes  who  sold  their  soldiers 
to  England.  He  feared  that  his  own  army  might  be 
weakened  by  such  a  drain  on  the  supply  from  which  he 
drew  recruits.  With  expressions  of  regard  for  the  King 
of  England,  Frederick  annoyed  his  representatives  by  re 
fusing  permission  to  take  the  Hessian  Hanau  and  Anspach 
troops  through  Prussian  lines  to  reach  ports  for  shipment. 
The  petty  German  princes  had  asked  and  almost  obtained 
Frederick's  consent  to  the  sale  of  their  troops  to  England, 
and  therefore  his  interference  was  all  the  more  annoying 
to  its  agents.  The  news  of  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
made  a  very  painful  impression  in  Berlin,  as  Riedesel,  in 
command  of  the  Brunswick  Corps,  was  the  son-in-law  of 
the  Prussian  War  Minister,  Massow.  Most  of  the  im 
prisoned  Brunswick  officers  were  well  known  in  Berlin  and 
had  been  in  friendly  relations  with  the  Prussian  officers 
since  the  Seven  Years'  War.  Eliot,  the  British  minister  in 
Berlin,  wrote  home  on  November  29,  1777,  that  the  ap 
proval  of  the  passage  (through  Prussian  territory)  of  the 
allied  troops  was  already  completed,  when  the  news  of  Bur- 
goyne's  surrender  was  received,  and  it  was  withdrawn  and 
an  end  came  apparently  of  all  favorable  Prussian  policy. 

Frederick's  refusal  to  permit  the  transport  through  his 
borders  of  any  German  troops  engaged  by  England,  fell 
like  a  bomb  among  the  English  recruiting  agents  and  the 
German  princes  and  their  ministers.  Sir  Joseph  York, 


16  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

the  English  minister  at  The  Hague,  wrote  to  the  English 
agent,  Rainsford:  "  The  King  of  Prussia  is  too  much 
feared  for  any  one  to  risk  sending  troops  through  his  boun 
daries."  Expresses  and  couriers  hurried  from  one  Court  to 
another,  notes  were  exchanged,  and  efforts  made  to  induce 
the  Prussian  minister  at  Cologne  and  the  commandant  at 
Wesel  to  close  their  eyes,  but  all  in  vain.  Faucitt,  the 
English  agent,  wrote  that  "  Hitherto  the  Rhine  was  open 
to  all  the  world — now  it  is  suddenly  and  unexpectedly 
closed.  It  is  too  late  to  change  the  route.  At  Minden 
the  same  interruption  is  threatened.  I  have  written  to 
Berlin  and  Hanau,  Anspach  and  Cassel,  and  have  advised 
Schlieffen,  the  Electors  Minister,  to  send  his  troops  around 
the  Prussian  borders."  The  English  minister  at  Cologne 
wrote:  "The  troops  cannot  march  over  land  or  down  the 
Rhine  without  passing  Prussian  territory  and  boats  will 
be  stopped  at  Wesel."  The  Anspach  minister  wrote: 
"  If  no  means  can  be  found  to  change  the  King's  decision, 
all  is  lost,  we  are  ruined,  for  it  is  impossible  to  move  over 
land."  Rainsford  waited  in  vain,  with  the  transports 
ready  in  Holland,  weather  favorable,  and  a  day  or  two 
only  needed  to  ship  the  troops.  The  only  thing  to  do  was 
to  quarter  the  Anspach  and  Hanau  troops  for  the  winter 
in  Hanau,  and  at  the  end  of  February,  1778,  march  them 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Wesel,  and  it  was  only  late  in  March 
that  these  534  men  reached  the  port  of  shipment  after 
avoiding  Prussian  boundaries.  The  troops  from  Zerbst 
waited  until  spring,  when  they  went  through  Saxony, 
Brunswick  and  Hanover  to  Stade,  losing  nearly  half  of 
their  number  by  desertion — of  841  who  were  in  the  ranks 
on  February  21,  only  494  remained  on  March  21,  1778. 
The  condition  of  affairs  was  largely  influenced,  if  not 
decidedly  affected,  by  Frederick's  policy.  Washington 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        17 

was  suffering  all  the  hardships  of  his  winter  quarters  at 
Valley  Forge  from  December,  1777,  to  June,  1778.  His 
weak  force  could  not  withstand  a  vigorous  attack  by  Howe, 
but  when  the  latter  learned  of  Frederick's  prohibition  of 
the  passage  of  troops  through  Prussian  territory,  Howe 
knew  that  meant  cutting  off  the  prospect  of  any  reinforce 
ment.  It  was  not  the  few  men  delayed  in  their  journey 
so  much  as  the  uncertainty  for  future  German  detach 
ments.  Frederick's  policy  was  worth  to  Washington  as 
much  as  an  alliance,  for  it  gave  him  time  and  helped  to 
change  the  fortunes  of  war.  Without  really  wishing  to 
do  so,  Frederick  rendered  a  real  service  to  the  young  re 
public.  Frederick  soon  changed  his  tactics  towards  Eng 
land,  when  he  needed  its  support  in  the  matter  of  the 
Bavarian  succession.  He  declared  that  it  was  Beaumar- 
chais  and  his  friends  who  were  spreading  false  reports  of 
his  hostility  to  England  to  forward  their  own  interests  in 
the  American  Revolution.  The  King  wanted  to  see  the 
mother  country  again  on  a  friendly  footing  with  its  Amer 
ican  colonies.  Early  in  March  the  King  authorized  the 
passage  of  the  German  allied  troops  through  Prussian 
territory.  He  and  his  ministers  assured  the  English  min 
istry  that  the  King  never  entertained  any  favorable  con 
sideration  for  the  American  rebels  or  their  representatives. 
He  wanted  England's  and  Hanover's  support.  He  re 
ported  that  Austria  was  urging  France  to  recognize  Amer 
ican  independence  and  seize  England's  German  province, 
Hanover.  Little  credence  as  the  English  gave  to  these 
reports,  they  replied  that  they  would  like  nothing  better 
than  to  renew  their  old  friendly  relations  with  Prussia  and 
unite  with  that  country  and  Russia  in  close  alliance.  Wil 
liam  Lee  was  in  Frankfort,  closely  watching  events.  Bre- 
teuil,  the  French  ambassador,  tried  to  secure  Prussian  and 


i8  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

Russian  recognition  of  American  independence  in  the 
Peace  of  Teschen,  but  it  failed,  just  as  did  the  effort  of 
Spain  to  act  as  peacemaker  between  England  and  its  colo 
nies.  Lee  reminded  Frederick  of  his  promise  to  recog 
nize  American  independence  as  soon  as  France  had  done 
so,  but  was  promptly  told  that  Prussia  had  no  interest  in 
doing  so,  and  as  it  had  no  fleet,  could  do  nothing.  Lee 
patiently  waited,  and  John  Adams  advised  Congress  to  do 
so,  too,  for  the  King  of  Prussia  hoped  to  make  Emden 
a  sea-port,  and  to  open  through  it  trade  with  the  Amer 
ican  colonies  for  his  manufactories  in  Silesia  and  Holland 
and  Brunswick  would  follow  him  in  any  course  he  might 
decide  on.  Lee  continued  to  advise  Prussia  of  American 
news,  but  said  nothing  of  the  surrender  by  the  Danes  to 
England  of  prizes  of  American  privateers.  Carmichael 
from  Spain  received  polite  replies  refusing  to  consider 
his  appeals  for  recognition.  Colonel  Arendt,  a  German 
officer  who  had  served  in  America,  in  vain  sought  permis 
sion  to  use  Dutch  capital  in  trade  to  America  under  the 
Prussian  flag.  Lee,  early  in  1781,  renewed  his  efforts, 
this  time  complaining  of  the  hostility  to  the  colonies  of  a 
Prussian  newspaper,  but  to  him,  and  to  Arendt,  in  Decem 
ber,  1783,  and  in  May,  1783,  to  Jacob  Philadelphia,  a 
well-known  Jew  and  quite  a  famous  artist,  all  seeking  Prus 
sian  recognition  through  business  or  other  agencies,  the 
same  answers  were  given,  refusing  any  action.  Frederick 
soon  showed  England  that  it  was  for  no  love  of  that 
country  he  had  granted  permission  for  its  German  troops 
to  cross  his  territory.  In  February,  1780,  he  had  done 
this,  but  to  the  next  application  he  made  answer  that  this 
business  of  recruiting  was  depopulating  Germany.  Eng 
land  saw  his  influence  against  it  in  St.  Petersburg  and  Co 
penhagen  and  The  Hague.  Frederick  followed  events  in 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        19 

America  and  promptly  and  sharply  pursued  the  English 
minister  at  his  Court  with  sneers  at  the  English  trouble 
in  America  and  praise  for  American  success.  England 
believed  that  Prussia  and  France  were  bound  by  some 
secret  agreement  to  encourage  the  rebellious  Americans, 
and  that  Holland  and  Denmark  were  inspired  by  Prussia 
in  their  hostility  to  England.  With  the  peace  between 
England  and  America,  Frederick  offered  to  enter  into  close 
alliance  with  Great  Britain,  and  urged  that  the  English 
troops  be  not  too  quickly  withdrawn  from  America,  for 
he  doubted  if  that  country  could  long  maintain  its  inde 
pendence.  It  was  too  large  for  a  republic,  a  form  of  gov 
ernment  possible  only  to  small,  compact  countries,  such  as 
Venice,  Holland  and  Switzerland.  He  thought  the  time 
would  come  when  some  of  the  American  colonies  would 
want  again  to  have  the  benefit  of  English  government  and 
to  send  representatives  to  Parliament.  The  Canadian  ter 
ritory  should  be  very  carefully  guarded  and  General  Carle- 
ton  must  treat  the  people  very  gently,  so  as  to  avoid  any 
influence  by  French  or  Spanish  agents.  The  Americans 
achieved  their  independence  without  any  help  from  Fred 
erick.  All  that  he  wanted  was  an  outlet  for  the  products 
of  his  country  and  a  cheap  market  for  their's,  and  the  busi 
ness  came  to  nothing,  because  the  Americans  could  not  send 
to  a  Prussian  port  tobacco  at  low  prices  and  take  away  in 
exchange  Silesian  woolen  goods,  etc.  Of  any  evidence  of 
political  or  personal  sympathy  on  his  part,  there  is  no 
proof,  but  it  is  plain  that  he  used  the  Americans  only  to 
advance  his  own  interests  in  the  game  of  European  politics. 
Even  the  most  zealous  of  his  ministers  could  not  encourage 
the  American  agents  in  their  hope  that  Frederick  would 
by  his  recognition  give  the  weight  of  his  good  opinion  to 
the  struggling  colonies. 


2o  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

In  Reddaway's  " Frederick  the  Great"  (Putnam,  1904), 
p.  317,  it  is  said,  "  When  at  that  time  a  new  republic  arose 
across  the  ocean,  King  Frederick  made  haste  to  enter  into 
commercial  relations  with  it,  in  order  to  exchange  cloth, 
woollen  stuffs  and  linen,  iron  goods  and  porcelain,  for  rice, 
indigo,  and  Virginia  tobacco.  The  *  most  favoured  na 
tion  '  treaty  of  September  10,  1785,  between  Prussia  and 
the  United  States  of  America,  fulfilled,  it  is  true,  few  of  the 
expectations  which  both  parties  formed  of  it,  for  the  Eng 
lish,  who  from  a  seafaring  and  capitalist  point  of  view, 
were  more  competent,  long  continued  to  be  the  commercial 
intermediaries  between  those  renegade  colonies  and  the  old 
world " ;  then  cited  from  Kosen,  "  Konig  Friederick  der 
Grosse  "  (Berlin,  1903),  p.  332:  "  He  looked  on  while 
England  and  her  colonies  fell  to  blows  in  1775  (?)  and 
while  France  joined  in  the  fray  in  1778.  He  blamed  the 
English  both  for  political  and  military  folly,  for  beginning 
a  terrible  civil  war  with  no  settled  plans  or  adequate  prep 
arations,  for  underestimating  the  enemy's  force,  for  divid 
ing  her  own,  and  for  trampling  upon  the  rights  of  neutrals. 
But  he  avoided  with  the  most  scrupulous  care  any  action 
that  could  give  offence  to  either  combatant,  and  declared  to 
his  ministers  that  he  intended  to  wait  the  issue  quietly  and 
to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the  side  which  fortune  favored. 
Just  before  his  death  (1785)  he  entertained  at  dinner 
Lafayette  and  Cornwallis." 

Kapp's  "  Soldatenhandel,"  Berlin,  1874,  p.  151,  etc. 
says:  "  Frederick  the  Great  is  almost  the  only  ruler  of  his 
time  who  was  worthy  of  respect,  for  he  felt  a  personal  re 
sponsibility  for  his  government.  He  was,  too,  the  only  one 
who  followed  great  political  aims  with  clear  intelligence. 
He  was  without  prejudices,  called  things  by  their  right 
name,  and  his  sovereign  contempt  for  England  and  its 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        21 

allies  supplying  soldiers,  was  doubly  beneficial.  The  King, 
like  the  German  Emperor,  had  a  close  political  interest 
in  this,  for  it  violated  the  laws  of  the  Empire,  and  it  de 
prive  both  of  a  great  number  of  men  who  would  fill  their 
regiments,  if  not  drawn  off  by  the  war  in  America.  At 
the  outset  it  was  thought  the  number  sent  would  not  be 
large  enough  to  affect  the  supply  needed  for  the  standing 
armies. 

"  With  the  large  force  sent  in  1777,  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  imperial  representative,  the  Rhenish  princes  began  to 
show  hostility  to  the  shipment  of  troops.  The  Austrian 
recruiting  offices  complained  that  the  recruits  preferred 
service  in  America,  and  many  old  soldiers  deserted  to  go 
there.  Frederick,  too,  although  outwardly  civil  to  Eng 
land,  had  never  forgotten  or  forgiven  Bute  for  abandon 
ing  him,  and  spoke  with  bitterness  of  the  government 
that  thought  everything  could  be  done  with  money.  In 
his  *  Memoirs  '  he  wrote  that  England  dealt  with  all  the 
German  Courts  to  obtain  soldiers,  thus  diminishing  the 
numbers  at  home.  The  King  of  Prussia  quietly  did  his 
best  to  strengthen  his  own  position  and  only  incidentally 
interfered  with  that  of  England.  He  detained  the  new 
allies  at  every  point  in  his  kingdom,  at  Madgeburg,  Min- 
den  and  Wesel,  and  he  taxed  their  baggage,  but  never 
openly  opposed  their  transportation.  He  was,  from  his 
dislike  to  England,  always  outspoken  in  his  friendship  for 
America,  exaggerating,  in  his  conversation  with  the  English 
minister  at  his  Court,  American  successes,  and  dwelling  on 
English  disasters.  He  was  credited  with  readiness  to  rec-' 
ognize  American  independence,  when  he  really  was  not 
ready  to  do  anything  of  the  kind."  To  the  surprise  of  the 
Anspach  authorities,  he  wrote  in  reply  to  their  request  for 
leave  to  send  their  soldiers  through  his  territory,  a  letter 


22  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

dated  Potsdam,  October  24,  1777,  not  printed  in  his  works, 
nor  published  until  Kapp  made  it  known  on  page  161  of 
his  book,  from  the  Anspach  archives  as  follows : 

"  I  never  think  of  the  present  war  in  America  without 
being  unpleasantly  affected  by  the  greed  of  some  German 
princes  who  sacrifice  their  troops  in  a  matter  that  don't 
affect  them  at  all.  My  astonishment  increases  when  I  see 
this  violation  of  our  old  German  rule,  never  to  spill  Ger 
man  blood  in  behalf  of  foreign  interests.  In  answer  to 
the  request  of  the  Anspach  authorities  for  leave  to  take 
their  troops  in  the  English  service  through  my  territory, 
I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  are  other  and  shorter 
routes  to  England." 

In  vain  did  the  Anspach  ministers  appeal,  and  the 
English  ministers,  too,  received  the  same  short  refusal. 
Sir  Joseph  Yorke  wrote :  "  Every  one  has  such  fear  of  the 
King  of  Prussia  that  it  is  impossible  to  disregard  his  action 
in  thus  closing  the  Rhine." 

A  lively  exchange  of  letters  showed  the  result  of  this 
unexpected  interference  with  the  free  movement  of  the 
allied  troops  on  their  way  to  ports  of  embarcation.  The 
Rhine  princes  took  their  cue  from  Prussia  and  made  the 
Anspach  authorities,  as  well  as  the  English  agents,  very 
uncomfortable.  No  passage  across  Prussian  lines,  no 
quarters  allowed,  no  baggage  permitted,  and  naturally 
frequent  desertions,  the  poor  soldiers  kept  in  boats,  only 
allowed  to  land  for  exercise,  were  for  four  weeks  anchored 
at  a  little  Anspach  town,  and  of  course  recruiting  officers, 
Prussian,  Imperial,  French  and  Dutch,  doing  their  best 
to  tempt  the  poor  recruits  into  their  service.  The  poor 
colonel  was  at  his  wits  end,  when  finally  the  English  agent 
arranged  that  Anspach  and  Hanau  troops  should  be  quar 
tered  in  Hanau,  a  fortified  town,  while  the  authorities  tried 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.       23 

to  arrange  for  transport  of  the  troops.  After  a  long  delay 
a  way  out  was  found,  but  with  all  this,  the  troops  that 
left  Anspach  in  October  reached  New  York  only  in  the 
next  September.  Later  Frederick  withdrew  his  objections 
and  allowed  free  passage,  but  the  Zerbst  regiment  had 
even  harder  fortune,  with  loss  of  men  in  its  roundabout 
journey,  and  practically  never  even  entered  into  active  cam 
paigning.  The  result  of  Frederick's  policy  was  practically 
equal  to  a  new  ally  for  Washington,  giving  him  time  for 
restoring  his  waning  strength  and  overcome  his  failing 
fortunes — so  that  even  without  wishing  to  do  so,  the  King 
of  Prussia  had  rendered  the  republican  chief  a  great  ser 
vice.  That  Frederick  the  Great  followed  with  great  in 
terest  and  close  attention  the  course  of  events  in  America, 
is  clear  from  his  repeated  requests  for  information  from 
the  Lees  and  other  representatives  of  America  in  Europe, 
but  his  first  and  most  important  aim  was  the  protection  of 
his  own  kingdom  and  to  that  he  sacrificed  both  his  hos 
tility  to  Great  Britain  and  his  benevolent  interest  in 
America. 

E.  J.  Lowell,  in  his  "  The  Hessians  and  the  other  Aux 
iliaries  of  Great  Britain  in  the  Revolutionary  War1' 
(Harpers,  1884),  P-  5°»  etc.,  states  that  Frederick  the 
Great  refused  his  nephew  the  Margrave  of  Anspach's  re 
quest  for  permission  to  send  his  troops  to  America  through 
Prussian  territory  and  quotes  Frederick's  statement  on  the 
subject  of  the  American  war  in  his  Memoirs.  "  Ger 
many,"  the  King  wrote,  "  already  felt  the  evil  consequences 
of  sending  so  many  of  her  men  into  those  distant  climates, 
and  the  King  of  Prussia  did  not  like  to  see  the  Empire 
deprived  of  all  its  defenders,  especially  in  the  case  of  a 
new  war  and  for  this  reason  he  made  difficulties  about  the 
passage  of  the  troops  of  the  princes  allied  to  England." 


24  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

Frederick  subsequently  encouraged  the  French  Court  to 
enter  into  the  American  alliance  (Bancroft,  Vol.  10,  ch. 
3).  In  January,  1778,  Schulenberg,  Frederick's  minister, 
wrote  to  Arthur  Lee  that  the  King  of  Prussia  would  not 
delay  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  as  soon  as  France  should  have  done  so,  but  with 
the  change  of  interests  incidental  to  the  war  of  the  Bavar 
ian  succession,  this  promise  was  not  fulfilled.  Later  events 
made  it  still  more  difficult  to  secure  from  Prussia  anything 
more,  until  it  signed  the  commercial  treaty  with  the  United 
States. — Bancroft  (ed.  1874) ,  Vol.  10,  p.  240,  etc.  Fred 
erick  of  Prussia  had  raised  the  hope  that  he  would  follow 
France  in  recognizing  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  but  later  he  wrote:  uThe  affairs  of  England  and 
her  colonies  disappear  from  my  eyes,"  when  the  question 
of  his  protection  of  his  own  country  arose.  To  William 
Lee  he  directed  his  minister  to  answer  in  1778 :  "We  are 
so  occupied  with  Germany  that  we  cannot  think  of  the 
Americans ;  we  should  be  heartily  glad  to  recognize  them, 
but  at  this  present  moment  it  could  do  them  no  good,  and 
to  us  might  be  very  detrimental." 

Lee's  importunities  only  made  Frederick  more  reserved. 
From  his  camp  he  always  put  them  aside,  yet  with  gentle 
ness  and  caution.  He  could  not  receive  the  prizes  of  the 
Americans  at  Emden,  because  he  had  no  means  to  protect 
the  harbor  against  aggression ;  they  might  purchase  in  his 
dominions  munitions  of  war;  and  their  merchants  would 
be  received  in  his  ports  on  the  same  terms  as  the  merchants 
of  all  other  countries. 

In  1778,  in  reply  to  the  effort  of  the  British  ministry 
to  propitiate  Frederick,  he  answered:  "I  will  never  lend 
myself  to  an  alliance  with  England.  I  am  not  like  so 
many  German  princes,  to  be  gained  by  money."  He  re- 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        25 

lented  so  far  as  to  allow  a  few  recruits  for  the  English 
army  to  pass  through  his  dominions,  but  proposals  for 
closer  relations  with  England  were  inflexibly  declined. 
He  sent  word  to  France,  "  I  offer  my  vows  for  the  success 
of  the  French."  Prussia  adopted  the  system  of  neutrality 
just  when  it  could  benefit  the  United  States  the  most.  In 
1779  he  wrote:  "  The  balance  of  power  in  Europe  will 
not  be  disturbed  by  England's  losing  possessions  in  other 
parts  of  the  world." 

In  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Revolution," 
edited  by  Jared  Sparks,  Vol.  2,  p.  58,  Franklin,  Deane  and 
Arthur  Lee,  Paris,  April  19,  1777,  write  to  Baron  de 
Schulenberg,  Minister  of  the  King  of  Prussia:  "  From  the 
Congress  we  have  their  commands  to  inform  his  Prussian 
Majesty's  Ambassador  here,  that  they  propose  to  send  a 
minister  to  your  respected  Court  properly  empowered  to 
treat  upon  affairs  of  importance,  and  that  we  are  in  the 
meantime  instructed  and  authorized  by  Congress  to  solicit 
the  friendship  of  your  Court,  to  request  that  it  would  afford 
no  aid  to  their  enemies,  but  use  its  good  offices  to  prevent 
the  landing  of  troops  by  other  powers  to  be  transported  to 
America  for  their  destruction,  and  to  offer  the  free  com 
merce  of  the  United  States  to  the  subjects  of  Prussia. 
June  5,  1777."  Arthur  Lee  advises  Schulenberg  of  his 
arrival  in  Berlin,  June  7,  1777,  advises  him  of  the  articles 
to  be  exchanged  between  Prussia  and  the  United  States, 
e.  g.,  tobacco  for  muskets — a  musket  which  costs  here 
(Berlin)  22  French  livres,  can  be  sold  in  America  for  at 
least  50.  With  these  50  livres  200  weight  of  tobacco 
can  be  bought,  which  in  Europe  will  bring  200  livres. 
June  21,  1777,  Schulenberg  to  Lee:  The  King  is  very 
much  disposed  to  please  your  constituents,  but  his  Majesty 
cannot  embroil  himself  with  the  Court  of  London.  June 


26  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

29,  1777,  Lee  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  urging  recognition: 
u  There  is  no  name  so  highly  respected  among  us  as  that 
of  your  Majesty.  Hence  there  is  no  King  the  declaration 
of  whose  friendship  would  inspire  our  people  with  so  much 
courage,  and  add  so  much  force  to  our  cause." 

Paris,  July  29,  1777,  Lee  to  the  Committee  of  For 
eign  Affairs:  "  Pressing  for  aid  from  the  King,  in  artillery, 
arms  and  money,  I  could  obtain  nothing  but  assurance  of 
his  desire  to  serve  us  if  it  were  in  his  power.  Schulenberg 
delivered  me  a  message  from  his  Majesty,  desiring  me  to 
assure  my  constituents  that  nothing  would  give  him  more 
pleasure  than  to  hear  of  their  success,  and  that  he  wished 
whatever  good  news  I  might  receive  be  communicated  to 
him.  I  did  not  omit  to  press  his  interposition  relative  to 
German  and  Russian  auxiliaries.  In  answer  to  this,  the 
minister  assured  me  that  we  had  no  reason  to  apprehend 
anything  either  from  one  or  the  other  in  the  future.  The 
German  princes  who  have  hired  their  troops,  besides 
having  rendered  themselves  extremely  odious,  have  suf 
fered  greatly,  and  are  still  suffering  by  the  emigration  of 
their  subjects,  for  fear  of  being  forced  into  this  service, 
which  is  excessively  unpopular  and  odious  through  all 
Germany;  under  these  circumstances,  these  princes  are 
neither  much  inclined  nor  at  all  able  to  furnish  new  sup 
plies.  The  troops  already  sent  were  their  utmost  exer 
tions,  and  in  all  probability  will  be  their  last." 

October  8,  1777,  Schulenberg  to  Lee:  "We  must  wait 
for  more  favorable  circumstances  to  begin  a  commercial 
connexion  between  the  two  peoples  which  his  Majesty  will 
receive  with  great  pleasure  in  seeing  increase,  whenever  it 
will  not  engage  him  in  measures  contrary  to  his  principles." 

December  18,  1777,  Schulenberg  to  Lee:  "  His  Majesty 
will  not  be  the  last  power  to  acknowledge  your  indepen- 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.        27 

dency,  but  you  must  feel  yourself  that  it  is  not  natural  that 
he  should  be  the  first,  and  that  France,  whose  commercial 
and  political  interests  are  more  immediately  connected  with 
yours,  should  set  the  example." 

December  23,  1777,  Schulenberg  to  Lee:  "The  infor 
mation  which  you  have  had,  that  his  Majesty  has  refused 
a  passage  to  the  auxiliary  troops  of  Germany  destined  for 
America,  is  strictly  true." 

January  16,  1778,  Schulenberg  to  Lee:  "The  King  in 
terests  himself  very  much  (in  the  events  of  your  war) 
and  his  Majesty  wishes  that  your  efforts  may  be  crowned 
with  success,  he  will  not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  your 
independence  whenever  France,  which  is  more  interested 
in  the  event  of  this  contest,  shall  set  the  example." 

Paris,  June  i,  1778,  Arthur  Lee:  "The  King  of  Prussia 
has  found  it  so  necessary  to  cultivate  the  aid  of  Hannover, 
Hesse,  Brunswick,  etc.,  that  he  has  declined  receiving  an 
American  deputy  or  following  the  example  of  France  as 
he  promised." 

February  25,  1779,  William  Lee,  Frankfort:  "The 
King  of  Prussia  has  formally  engaged  by  a  letter  from  his 
Minister,  who  writes  in  the  King's  name,  that  the  mer 
chants  of  North  America,  who  should  come  with  their 
merchant  vessels  into  the  ports  of  his  Majesty  to  trade 
there,  in  merchandise  that  is  not  prohibited,  should  have 
full  liberty,"  etc. 

In  Hayden's  "Washington  and  His  Masonic  Com 
peers":  New  York,  1866  (2d  ed.),  it  is  said  on  page  148: 
"  Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia,  who  was  at  the  head 
of  Masonry  in  Continental  Europe,  sent  him  (Washing 
ton)  an  elegant  sword  with  a  complimentary  inscription." 

In  the  Century  Magazine,  Vol.  19  (1890-1,  April, 
1891,  p.  945),  is  an  article  on  "Washington  and  Fred- 


28  The  Pennsylvania-German  Society. 

erick  the  Great  with  the  story  of  a  mythical  sword,"  by 
Moncure  D.  Conway.  Washington  ordered  a  bust  of 
Frederick  for  Mount  Vernon  and  had  his  works  in  thirteen 
volumes  in  his  library.  Conway  says  that  Carlisle  told 
him  he  had  met  no  incident  or  phrase  on  which  the  Amer 
ican  legend  (that  Frederick  the  Great  sent  a  sword  to 
Washington  inscribed  "  From  the  oldest  General  in  the 
war  to  the  Greatest ")  might  have  been  based.  The  story 
w!i£  originally  told,  not  of  a  sword,  but  of  Frederick's  por 
trait,  in  a  New  Jersey  Journal  of  August  9,  1780.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  any  such  picture  was  sent  to  Wash 
ington.  The  only  mention  of  Washington  by  Frederick 
in  his  voluminous  works  is  in  his  "  Memoirs,"  Vol.  4,  p. 
175 — "  Washington  gained  some  advantages  over  the  roy 
alists  who  were  assembled  near  Boston."  His  sympathies 
were  in  a  mild  way  with  the  Americans — in  his  letter  to 
D'Alembert,  May  16,  1776.  Frederick  made  no  reply  to 
D'Alembert's  letter  about  the  Hessians.  On  June  3, 
1777,  he  casually  says:  "  War  still  continues  to  be  made 
on  the  poor  Americans."  On  July  28,  1777,  D'Alembert 
asks  his  opinion  of  this  war  and  the  manoeuvers  of  Wash 
ington,  to  which  Frederick  replied  (Aug.  13)  :  "  I  venture 
an  opinion  that  the  colonies  will  become  independent." 

We  may  feel  tolerably  certain  that  no  gift  was  ever 
sent  by  Frederick  the  Great  to  Washington  and  that  he 
never  recognized  in  any  remark  the  greatness  of  Wash 
ington.  There  was,  however,  a  sword  sent  to  Washing 
ton  from  Germany.  In  1795  Theophilus  Alte  of  Solin- 
gen  made  the  sword  which  was  No.  428  in  the  Centennial 
Exhibition  (loaned  by  Miss  Alice  Riggs)  and  sent  it  to 
General  Washington  by  his  son.  The  son  did  not  take 
it  to  Washington,  but  pawned  it  at  a  tavern  in  Philadelphia 
for  thirty  dollars.  A  gentleman  redeemed  it  and  left  it 


Frederick  the  Great  and  the  United  States.       29 

with  another  in  Alexandria  who  repaid  the  money  and 
sent  it  to  Washington.  On  it  is  Washington's  name  and 
an  inscription  in  German  "  Condemner  of  despotism,  pre 
server  of  liberty,  glorious  man,  take  from  my  son's  hands 
the  sword,  I  beg  you.  A.  Solingen."  This  translation 
was  made  for  Washington,  who  thought  it  was  Dutch, 
and  "  Solingen  "  the  name  of  a  man  in  Amsterdam.  But 
a  year  later  Alte  wrote  to  him  and  the  facts  came  out. 
This  was  the  sword  chosen  by  George  Steptoe  Washing 
ton  under  the  terms  of  his  uncle's  will.  It  was  buried 
during  the  Civil  War,  and  it  is  still  rusty,  but  its  admirable 
workmanship  is  still  evident.  Washington  was  a  good 
deal  mystified  about  the  sword,  and  instituted  inquiries 
during  the  year  in  which  he  heard  nothing  from  Alte  or 
his  son.  It  is  possible  that  during  that  time  the  story 
which  had  been  told  about  a  picture  of  Frederick  was  mod 
ified  into  a  sword  legend.  The  earliest  reference  to  it 
on  record  is  on  February  8,  1843,  on  tne  presentation  of 
the  sword  of  Washington  and  the  staff  of  Franklin  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  This  was  his  service  sword, 
marked  1757,  which  Washington  had  borne  in  all  his  great 
battles.  It  was  presented  by  Samuel  T.,  son  of  the  Samuel 
(Washington's  nephew) ,  by  whom  it  had  been  selected. 


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